Scientist's Ledger
However, not only students and luminaries of psychology can draw information from Maslow’s work “Motivation and Personality.” Teachers, businessmen, and sociologists will be interested in it. In general, this work will attract anyone who wonders what underlies the motivational-need sphere of a person.
This publication was published more than half a century ago. But despite the numerous concepts of motivation, it still remains relevant. Personal interest, haunting questions - these are the reasons why the American scientist of Russian origin Abraham Maslow took up writing this work. Motivation and personality are two of the main concepts he studies. They are also reflected in the title of his book.
Motivation and motivesE. P. Ilyin, 2011
4.4. Stages of the motivational process
The need for a staged (stage-by-stage) consideration of the motivational process, although from different positions, was pointed out by many researchers (V. A. Ivannikov, M. Sh. Magomed-Eminov, J. Nutten, S. L. Rubinshtein, A. A. Faizullaev) . The ideas of other psychologists, for example O.K. Tikhomirov (1983), are close to this, from the point of view of which the formation of a goal can have the character of a process unfolding over time.
The stage model of moral decision making was developed by S. Schwarz (1977). The value of his model lies in its careful consideration of the stages of assessment: the situation leading to the desire to help another person, one’s capabilities, the consequences for oneself and for the person in need of help (this model is discussed in detail in section 11.2).
V.I. Kovalev considers the motive as the transformation and enrichment of needs with stimuli. If the stimulus has not turned into a motive, it means that it is either “not understood” or “not accepted.” Thus, a possible variant of the emergence of a motive, writes V.I. Kovalev, can be represented as follows: the emergence of a need - its awareness - the “meeting” of a need with a stimulus - the transformation (usually through a stimulus) of a need into a motive and its awareness. In the process of the emergence of a motive, various aspects of the incentive (for example, encouragement) are assessed: significance for a given subject and for society, justice, etc. He also described in general terms the stage-by-stage nature of motivation, although he himself does not connect this stage-by-stage nature with it. Thus, he writes that the feeling of hunger and thirst evokes in the mind the image of an object that could satisfy the need; under the influence of this image, an impulse to action (motivation) arises, which is correlated by the person with external conditions (situation), as well as with the moral and psychological attitudes of the individual. This process of correlation, carried out with the help of thinking (analysis of conditions, means and ways of solving a problem, taking into account the consequences), leads to setting a goal and determining a plan of action.
A. A. Faizullaev (1989) distinguishes five stages in the motivational process (see Fig. 4.1).
The first stage is the emergence and awareness of the impulse. Full awareness of the impulse includes awareness of the objective content of the impulse (what object is needed), the action, the result and the methods for carrying out this action. The author notes that a conscious impulse can be needs, drives, inclinations, and in general any phenomenon of mental activity (image, thought, emotion). At the same time, the motivating aspect of a mental phenomenon may not be realized by a person, and may be, as the author writes, in a potential (rather, hidden) state. However, motivation is not yet a motive, and the first step to its formation is awareness of the motivation.
A. A. Faizullaev believes that in order to talk about a motive, awareness of the motivation is not enough, although behavior can be determined by a conscious motivation alone. Such situational behavior often leads to regret about what was done, since the person discovers after the fact that the motivational sources of the action were not entirely adequate to the values and attitudes accepted by the person.
The second stage is “acceptance of motive.” Under this somewhat illogical name of the stage (If until now we could not talk about a motive, then what can be accepted? And if it already existed, at the second stage we should talk about making a decision - “to do or not to do”) [7] the author understands the internal acceptance of the impulse, i.e. its identification with the motivational and semantic formations of the personality, correlation with the hierarchy of subjective personal values, inclusion in the structure of significant human relationships.
In other words, at the second stage, a person, in accordance with his moral principles, values, etc., decides how significant the need or desire that has arisen is, and whether it is worth satisfying it. It is no coincidence that A. A. Faizullaev talks about the properties of acceptance or meaningfulness of a given motivational education. The motive as a unit of the considered phase of the motivation process acquires not only motivation, awareness, direction, but also a meaning-forming function.
In principle, one cannot refuse the author a logical arrangement of events in the process of motivation. However, one cannot help but notice the not very clear use of basic motivational concepts. Thus, he did not outline his understanding of motive (hence it is not clear what it means to “accept a motive”), he also uses the concept of “motivation” as the concept of “stimulant” (i.e., incentive). The author avoids the question of what kind of behavior is based only on a conscious impulse (and not on an “accepted motive”) - motivated or unmotivated. Is it possible by chance
realize the impulse, as the author notes? All this suggests that the scheme of motive formation according to A. A. Faizullaev needs clarification and clarification.
As can be seen in Fig. 4.1, the motivational process, according to A. A. Faizullaev, does not end at the second stage. The third stage is the implementation of the motive, during which, depending on the specific conditions and methods of implementation, the psychological content of the motive may change. At the same time, the motive, as the author believes, acquires new functions (satisfaction, satiation of needs, interest), which leads to the transition to the next stage of motivation - consolidation of the motive, as a result of which it becomes a character trait.
The last stage is the actualization of a potential motivation, which means the conscious or unconscious manifestation of the corresponding character trait in conditions of internal or external necessity, habit or desire.
A. N. Zernichenko and N. V. Goncharov (1989) distinguish three stages in motivation: formation of a motive, achievement of an object of need and satisfaction of a need. If we were talking about mental
implementation of these stages, then one could agree with the authors. However, their second and third stages are associated with real action. Therefore, linking the performing activity itself with the process of motivation (more precisely, taking it for motivation) is hardly fair. This is the same as taking P.K. Anokhin’s (1975) diagram of the deployment of behavior control processes in the functional system as motivation. Meanwhile, in this scheme of motivation, only its first part, associated with the stage of afferent synthesis, corresponds.
In the concept of need behavior developed by D.V. Kolesov (1991), the concept of “motivation” is essentially not used; instead, the author uses, from my point of view not very successfully, the concept of “motivational field”, the function of which is ultimately the formation motive and satisfaction of the individual's needs. The motivational field, as the author writes, is a functional organ of the brain, the tasks of which are to organize needs and choose the optimal way to achieve a state of satisfaction as the ultimate goal of behavioral reactions.
The formation of an impulse aimed at satisfying needs, according to D. V. Kolesov, goes through a number of successive stages (zones). Need arousal first falls into the zone of need standards, then into the zone of representation of needs, into the zone of processing of need arousal and the zone of forming a program of action, and at the final stage into the zone (centers) of reinforcement.
In the zone of need standards there are cores of needs and models of the required result. The latter have a stable (in the true sense of the word standard) part and a dynamic part, developing in the course of the development of needs.
In the zone of representation of needs, need excitation from the nuclei of all needs accumulates. The function of this zone is, firstly, to “switch” the excessively accumulated excitation of one need to another, which has gained access to the executive system. According to the author, this is excessive satisfaction of one need at the expense of another. In my opinion, we should rather talk about an inadequate way to discharge the emerging need tension (“letting off steam” without satisfying the need itself) and about switching to another activity in order to “displace” dissatisfaction and disappointment from the previous one. Secondly, the function of the representation zone is to delay the need excitation for its subsequent processing in the next zone, since the latter should not “choke” from the excessive excitation entering it.
In the zone of processing of need arousal, a convergence of information flows occurs: need arousal coming from the zone of need representation; excitation that carries information about possible objects of need satisfaction; excitement, carrying information about the conditions accompanying success (based on previous experience). In this zone, writes D.V. Kolesov, need arousal is doubly concretized, that is, it is tied to reality, consistent with it - in terms of the subject and the method of achieving it. This concretization, according to the author, is the process of formation of the motive, and what results is the motive itself.
In the fourth zone of the motivational field - the zone of forming an action program
— the motive is transformed into executive activity, of which it is included as a component.
When the program of action is fully formed, but there is no direct impulse to start the corresponding activity, then this state, the author writes, is an incentive to activity.
Triggering afferentation, the formed “triggering” motive (according to A. N. Leontiev) translates it into actual activity.
The fifth zone of the motivational field - reinforcement centers - interacts with the three previous ones, reinforcing (strengthening or weakening) the processes occurring in them.
A number of foreign psychologists consider the stages of the motivational process within the framework of the Gestalt approach. We are talking about a cycle of contact, the essence of which is the actualization and satisfaction of needs during a person’s interaction with the external environment: the dominant need appears in the foreground of consciousness as a figure against the background of personal experience and, satisfied, dissolves again in the background. In this process, up to six phases are distinguished: sensation of a stimulus - its awareness - arousal (decision, emergence of an impulse) - beginning of an action - contact with an object - retreat (return to the original state). In this case, the marked phases can be clearly differentiated or overlap each other.
Thus, each author views the motivation process in his own way. Some have a structural-psychological approach (A. G. Kovalev, O. K. Tikhomirov, A. A. Faizullaev), others have a biologized morpho-functional, largely reflex approach (D. V. Kolesov), third - the Gestalt approach (J.-M. Robin). There are positive aspects in each of them, but there is no holistic impression of the process of motivation and the stages of motive formation.
The stages of motivation, their number and internal content largely depend on the type of stimuli, under the influence of which the process of formation of intention begins to unfold as the final stage of motivation. Stimuli can be physical - these are external stimuli, signals and internal ones (unpleasant sensations emanating from internal organs). But incentives can also be demands, requests, a sense of duty and other social factors. They can influence the nature of motivation and methods of goal setting. For example, O.K. Tikhomirov notes that given (accepted by a person) and independently formed (at will) goals differ in the nature of the connection formed between the goal and motive (need): in the first case, the connection is formed as if from goal to motive, and in the second - from need to goal.
Maslow's childhood and youth
It must be said that Abraham Maslow’s childhood was by no means cloudless. The scientist's parents emigrated to the United States even before his birth. There was a constant conflict situation in the family. In addition, the boy inherited a Jewish appearance from his father, so he had to experience firsthand what anti-Semitism was. Despite the fact that Maslow's academic success was very high, his youth was spent in loneliness and oppression.
4.3. About positive and negative motivation
V. G. Aseev (1976) believes that an important feature of human motivation is its bimodal, positive-negative structure. These two modalities of impulses (in the form of striving for something and avoidance, in the form of satisfaction and suffering, in the form of two forms of influence on the personality - reward and punishment) are manifested in drives and directly realized needs - on the one hand, and in necessity - on the one hand. another. At the same time, he refers to S. L. Rubinstein’s statement about the nature of emotions: “Emotional processes acquire a positive or negative character depending on whether the action that the individual performs and the influence to which he is exposed are in a positive or negative relationship to his needs. interests, attitudes” (1946, p. 459).
8 pages, 3836 words
Psychophysiology of motivation 2
... Motivation (from Latin movere) - an incentive to action; a dynamic psychophysiological process that controls human behavior, determining its direction, organization, activity and stability; a person's ability to actively satisfy their needs. Any motivation requires...
Thus, we are talking not so much about a sign of encouragement, motivation, but about the emotions that accompany decision making and its implementation.
I note that the importance of emotions anticipating decision-making as intermediate variables was shown by O. Mowrer (O. Mowrer, 1938) in connection with the clarification of the role of fear (fear).
He views fear as a signal of impending danger, as an unpleasant state that prompts behavior that helps to avoid the threat. Much later (in 1960), O. Maurer outlined his concept of motivation, based on anticipated positive and negative emotions.
He explained all behavior, on the one hand, by the induction of drive - when behavior has punishable consequences (which determines the consolidation of the anticipated emotion of fear:
learning of fear occurs, i.e., getting back into a given situation, a person begins to fear it), and on the other hand, by reduction of drive - when behavior has rewarded consequences (which determines the consolidation of the anticipated emotion of
hope:
learning of hope occurs).
O. Maurer also speaks of anticipatory emotions of relief and disappointment. Relief is associated with a decrease, as a result of the reaction, of the emotion of fear (reduction of attraction); disappointment - with a decrease, as a result of the reaction, of hope (induction of attraction).
According to the author, these four types of anticipatory positive and negative emotions (fear and relief, hope and disappointment), depending on the increase or decrease in their intensity, determine which modes of behavior in a given situation will be chosen, implemented and learned (reinforced).
Thus, anticipatory expectancy emotions allow a person to make decisions and manage their behavior appropriately and flexibly, causing reactions that increase hope and relief or reduce fear and disappointment.
But let’s return to V. G. Aseev’s hypothesis about the bimodality of motivation, using O. Maurer’s ideas about anticipated emotions of expectation.
In the case of predicting the possibility of satisfying the need of drive, positive emotional experiences arise, but in the case of planning an activity as an objectively specified necessity (due to harsh circumstances, social requirements, obligation, duty, volitional effort on oneself), negative emotional experiences may arise.
V.I. Kovalev (1981) opposes the bimodality of motivation; however, from my point of view, all his critical arrows missed the mark, since he and V.G. Aseev are talking about different things. And the reason for this is the lack of uniform terminology, which is the fault of both authors. V. G. Aseev talks about motivation and understands motivation by it. V.I. Kovalev speaks about motive and understands need as it. Hence, the latter’s accusations against V.G. Aseev that he speaks of “negative needs” and “negative motives” are unlawful. V. G. Aseev does not talk about anything like that. On the contrary, he speaks of need and attraction as motivations with a positive emotional experience.
9 pages, 4253 words
24.Motivation and stimulation of professional activity
... Stimulus is an external influence on a person, reflected by him as a motive. Motive is an incentive to action, to activity. Stimulation is the process of activating the activities of personnel ... by the goals and objectives of the organization. Table 4.5. Theories of Motivation Theories of Motivation Theories of Content of Motivation Process Theories of Motivation Abraham Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs Theory ERG Theory - Theory ...
Another thing is whether it is even legitimate to talk about the sign of incentive, motive and motivation. V.I. Kovalev believes that motive as an incentive is unimodal. We can agree with this (motive - motivation). But motive is not only motivation. It also expresses the attitude towards what a person has to do. And the relationship is bimodal. Thus, the construction of a motive and, consequently, the motivational process can be accompanied by both positive and negative emotional experiences, which persist during activity (V.I. Kovalev believes that bimodality is inherent in activity, but considers its positive and negative assessment from a social position, and not from a personal one, which also indicates the inadequacy of his choice of the subject of discussion).
If we were to criticize V. G. Aseev for his ideas about the bimodality of incentives, then it would be necessary to point out the inappropriateness of identifying incentives with motivation, as well as the fact that he mainly talks about two forms
motives (need, attraction - on the one hand, and obligation, obligation - on the other), which may not directly correlate with the experience of only positive emotions or, in another case, only negative ones. For example, being near the object of one's attraction does not always bring joy to a person (for example, in the case of unrequited love).
Introduction to psychological knowledge
Subsequently, Maslow, on the recommendation of his father, decides to devote himself to the study of law. But, having become acquainted with psychology, he leaves already from the first year. He received his education at the University of Wisconsin in Madison, and then began working as a college teacher. He also worked as an assistant to the famous behavioral scientist Edward Thorndike. He received the title of President of the American Psychological Association in 1967. Maslow was greatly inspired by the work of John Watson.
Chapter 9. DEVELOPMENT OF BEHAVIORAL MOTIVES AND FORMATION OF SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS IN A CHILD IN PRESCHOOL AGE
Home Favorites Random article Educational New additions Feedback FAQ⇐ PreviousPage 16 of 27Next ⇒
§ 1. The content of the motives of behavior of a preschooler. Formation of a system of motives
General characteristics of the motives of a child’s behavior. The motives of a child’s behavior change significantly throughout preschool childhood. The younger preschooler mostly acts, like a child in early childhood, under the influence of situational feelings and desires that arise at the moment, caused by a variety of reasons, and at the same time does not give himself a clear account of what forces him to perform this or that action. The actions of an older preschooler become much more conscious. In many cases, he can quite reasonably explain why he acted this way and not otherwise in a given case.
The same act committed by children of different ages often has completely different motives. A three-year-old child throws crumbs to the chickens to watch them run and peck, and a six-year-old boy throws crumbs to help his mother with housework.
At the same time, it is possible to identify certain types of motives that are typical for preschool age in general and have the greatest influence on children’s behavior. These are primarily motives related to children’s interest in the world of adults,
with their desire to act like adults. The desire to be like an adult guides the child in role-playing play. Often, such a desire can be used as a means to get the child to fulfill one or another requirement in everyday behavior. “You’re big, and big people dress themselves,” they say to the child, encouraging him to be independent. “Big people don’t cry” is a strong argument that makes a child hold back his tears.
Another important group of motives that constantly manifest themselves in children’s behavior are play motives,
associated with interest in the game process itself. These motives appear in the course of mastering gaming activities and are intertwined with the desire to act like an adult. Going beyond play activities, they color the entire behavior of the child and create the unique specifics of preschool childhood. A child can turn any activity into a game. Very often, when it seems to adults that the child is busy with serious work or diligently studying something, he is actually playing, creating an imaginary situation for himself. For example, in one psychological study, children were asked to select the “extra” one from pictures of four objects - a man, a lion, a horse and a cart. In these conditions, the children considered the lion superfluous and explained their choice this way: “Uncle will harness the horse to the cart and go, but why does he need a lion? The lion can eat both him and the horse, he needs to be sent to the zoo.”
for establishing and maintaining positive relationships with adults and other children are of great importance in the behavior of a preschool child
A child needs a good attitude from others. The desire to earn affection, approval, and praise from adults is one of the main levers of his behavior. Many children's actions are explained precisely by this desire. The desire for positive relationships with adults forces the child to take into account their opinions and assessments and follow the rules of behavior they establish.
As contacts with peers develop, their attitude towards him becomes increasingly important for the child. When a three-year-old child comes to kindergarten for the first time, during the first months he may not seem to notice other children, he 172
acts as if they are not there at all. He can, for example, pull a chair from under another child if he wants to sit down. But later the situation changes. The development of joint activities and the formation of a children's society lead to the fact that winning a positive assessment from peers and their sympathy becomes one of the effective motives of behavior. Children especially try to win the sympathy of those peers whom they like and who are popular in the group.
In preschool childhood, the motives of self-love and self-affirmation develop.
Their starting point is the separation of oneself from other people, which occurs at the turn of early childhood and preschool age, and the attitude towards an adult as a model of behavior. Adults not only go to work, engage in types of work that are honorable in the eyes of a child, and enter into various relationships with each other. They also raise him, the child, make demands and achieve their fulfillment. And the child begins to claim that others respect and listen to him, pay attention to him, and fulfill his desires.
One of the manifestations of the desire for self-affirmation is the claim of children to play the main roles in games. It is significant that children, as a rule, really do not like to take on the roles of children. The role of an adult with respect and authority is always much more attractive.
In children three to five years old, self-affirmation is also revealed in the fact that they attribute to themselves all the positive qualities known to them, without caring about their correspondence to reality, exaggerate their courage, strength, etc. When asked if he is strong, the child answers that , of course, he is strong, because he can lift “even an elephant.”
The desire for self-affirmation under certain conditions can lead to negative manifestations in the form of whims and stubbornness.
6,0,3. The girl Shura, whom her parents, as they say, dote on her, torments them with constant whims. “We don’t know,” writes the mother, “how to please her: if you do one thing, she demands another. Neither affection, nor requests, nor threats, nor punishments help. He sits at lunch and doesn’t want to eat anything. And then suddenly she wants something - give it, and that’s all. Where will I get it from? Is it because of illness that someone is capricious? Give us some advice."
7,0,8. Misha suddenly, for no reason, when he needs to go for a walk, refuses to get dressed, and no amount of persuasion can break his whim: the more you ask and insist, the more his whim flares up. Misha throws himself on the floor, screams, and stamps his feet.
6,0,10. Manya gets capricious over some trifle, quarrels with everyone, and sits all day, frowning, looking like a wolf, and doesn’t speak to anyone. (Based on materials from E. A. Arkin.)
The whims of preschoolers are very reminiscent of manifestations of negativism, which is observed in many children during the crisis of three years. Whims are often the result of an incorrect approach to the child during this period, the consolidation of emerging negative
telial forms of relationships. But the psychological nature of whims differs from “crisis” forms of behavior in which the child tries to assert his independence. Caprice is a means to attract everyone’s attention, to “get the upper hand” over adults. As a rule, weakened, lack of initiative children who cannot satisfy the desire for self-affirmation in other ways, in particular in communicating with peers, become capricious.
During the period of preschool childhood, the formation of new types of motives associated with the complication of children’s activities occurs. These include educational
and
competitive motives.
Already at three or four years old, a child can literally bombard those around him with questions: “What is this?”; "But as?"; "For what?" etc. Later, the question “Why?” becomes dominant. Often children not only ask, but try to find the answer themselves, use their little experience to explain something incomprehensible, and sometimes even conduct an “experiment.” It is well known how children love to “gut” toys, trying to find out “what is inside them.”
These facts are often considered an indicator of the inherent curiosity of preschool children. However, in fact, children's questions do not always express their cognitive interest, the desire to obtain any new information about the world around them. Most of the questions asked by primary and secondary preschoolers are aimed at attracting the attention of an adult, inviting him to communicate, and sharing with him the experience that has arisen. Children often do not wait and do not listen to answers to their questions; they interrupt the adult and jump to new questions. Only gradually, under the influence of adults who teach the child, impart various knowledge to him (including answering his questions in an accessible and reasonable manner), the child begins to become more and more interested in the world around him and strive to learn something new.
Children of primary preschool age often listen to explanations from adults only if they need the information they receive for use in games, drawing, or other practical activities. Their attempts to guess the causes of certain phenomena or the “experiments” conducted by children are also usually associated with difficulties that arise in practical activities. And only by older preschool age, interest in knowledge becomes an independent motive for the child’s actions and begins to guide his behavior.
A child of three or four years old does not compare his achievements with the achievements of his peers. The desire for self-affirmation and the desire to receive the approval of adults are expressed not in attempts to do something better than others, but in a simple attribution
positive qualities in oneself or in performing actions that receive a positive assessment from an adult. Yes, juniors
preschoolers who were asked to play a didactic game and explained that the winner would receive a star as a reward, preferred to perform all actions together, rather than in turn (as required by the conditions of the game), and could not resist giving a hint to a peer if they knew the correct answer. As for the star, each child demanded it regardless of the result he achieved.
The development of joint activities with peers, especially games with rules, contributes to the fact that, based on the desire for self-affirmation, a new form of motives arises - the desire to win, to be first. Almost all board games offered to children of middle and especially older preschool age, and most sports games are related to competition. Some games are called just that: “Who is more agile?”, “Who is faster?”, “Who is first?” etc. Older preschoolers introduce competitive motives into activities that do not include competition in themselves. Children constantly compare their successes, love to brag, and are acutely aware of mistakes and failures.'
Moral values are of particular importance in the development of behavioral motives.
motives expressing the child’s relationship to other people. These motives change and develop throughout preschool childhood in connection with the assimilation and awareness of moral norms and rules of behavior, understanding the meaning of one’s actions for other people. Initially, compliance with generally accepted rules of behavior acts for the child only as a means of maintaining positive relationships with adults who require it. But since the approval, affection, and praise that a child receives for good behavior bring him pleasant experiences, gradually the very fulfillment of the rules begins to be perceived by him as something positive and obligatory. Younger preschoolers act in accordance with moral standards only in relation to those adults or children for whom they feel sympathy. So, a child shares toys and sweets with a peer he likes. In older preschool age, the moral behavior of children begins to spread to a wide range of people who do not have a direct connection with the child. This is due to children’s awareness of moral norms and rules, understanding of their universally binding nature, their actual meaning. If a four-year-old boy, when asked why he shouldn’t fight with his friends, answers: “You can’t fight, otherwise you’ll hit him right in the eye” (that is, the child takes into account the unpleasant consequences of the action, and not the action itself), then by the end of the preschool period the appearance of the answers are of a different order: “You can’t fight with your comrades, because it’s a shame to offend them.”
By the end of preschool childhood, the child understands the importance of fulfilling moral standards both in his own behavior and
and in his assessment of the actions of literary characters. Five-year-old Borya, after listening to Leo Tolstoy’s story “The Bone,” said: “He felt ashamed and began to cry. He told dad a lie. It’s so bad.”
social ones are beginning to occupy an increasingly important place.
motives - the desire to do something for other people, to benefit them. Already, many younger preschoolers can complete a simple task in order to please other people: under the guidance of a teacher, make a flag as a gift for the kids or a napkin as a gift for their mother. But for this it is necessary that children clearly imagine the people for whom they are doing the thing, feel sympathy and empathy for them. So, in order for younger preschoolers to complete their work on the flags, the teacher must tell them in a vivid, imaginative form about small children raised in nurseries, about their helplessness, and about the pleasure that a flag can give them.
On their own initiative, children begin to do work for others much later - from the age of four or five. During this period, children already understand that their actions can benefit others. When younger preschoolers are asked why they do things for adults, they usually answer: “I like it”; “Mom told me to.” For older preschoolers, the answers to the same question are of a different nature: “I help, because it’s difficult for grandmother and mother alone”; “I love my mother, so I help”; “To help mom and be able to do everything.” Children of different preschool age groups behave differently in games where the success of the team to which he belongs depends on the actions of each child. Junior and some middle preschoolers care only about their own success, while other middle and all older children act to ensure the success of the whole team.
In older preschoolers, one can observe quite conscious implementation of moral norms related to helping other people. *
In one of the kindergartens, children were going for a walk. A boy of about six carefully helped a little girl. He buttoned his coat, tied his scarf, put on his mittens; Taking her hand, he stood at the exit. One of the adults asked: “Is this your sister?” The child looked surprised and replied: “No, not sister! Just small,” and added: “little ones need to be helped.” (From the observations of I. R. Klyuchareva.)
Subordination of motives. Changes in motives of behavior throughout preschool childhood consist not only in the fact that their content changes, but new types of motives appear. Between different types of motives there is a subordination, hierarchy of motives:
Some of them become more important for the child than others.
The behavior of a younger preschooler is uncertain and has no main line or core. The child just shared a gift
with a peer, and now he is already taking away his toy. Another zealously helps his mother clean the room, and five minutes later he is already capricious and does not want to put on his leggings. This happens because different motives replace each other, and depending on the change in the situation, behavior is guided by one or another motive.
The subordination of motives is the most important new formation in the development of the personality of a preschooler.
The emerging hierarchy of motives gives a certain direction to all behavior. As it develops, it becomes possible to evaluate not only the child’s individual actions, but also his behavior as a whole as good or bad. If the main motives of behavior are social motives and adherence to moral standards, the child in most cases will act under their influence, without succumbing to the opposite impulses that push him to, for example, offend another or lie. On the contrary, the predominance of motives in a child that force him to receive personal pleasure and demonstrate his real or imaginary superiority over others can lead to serious violations of the rules of behavior. This will require special educational measures aimed at restructuring the unfavorably developing foundations of personality. Of course, after a subordination of motives has arisen, the child is not necessarily guided by the same motives in all cases. This does not happen in adults either. The behavior of any person reveals many different motives. But subordination leads to the fact that these various motives lose their equality and are built into a system. A child may give up an attractive game for a more important, although perhaps more boring, activity that is approved by an adult. If a child has failed in some matter that is significant to him, then this cannot be compensated for by the pleasure received through the “other line.” Thus, a child who did not cope with the task was told that he was doing well after all; and, like other children, he received good candy. However, he took the candy without any pleasure and resolutely refused to eat it, and his grief did not diminish at all: because of the failure, the resulting candy became “bitter” for him.
§ 2. Self-awareness and self-esteem in preschool children
Features of the development of self-awareness and self-esteem. We have seen that one of the aspects of the development of behavioral motives in preschool age is the increase in their awareness. The child begins to become more and more aware of the motivational forces and consequences of his actions. This becomes possible due to the fact that the preschooler develops self-awareness
- understanding what he is, what qualities he has
possesses, how others treat him and what causes this attitude. Self-awareness is most clearly manifested in self-esteem,
that is, in how the child evaluates his achievements and failures, his qualities and capabilities.
A prerequisite for the development of self-awareness is the separation of oneself from other people, which occurs already at the end of early childhood. But, entering preschool age, the child is aware only of the fact that he exists, truly knowing nothing about himself, about his qualities. Trying to be like an adult, a young child does not take into account his real capabilities. This is quite clearly revealed during the three-year crisis.
The youngest preschooler does not yet have any substantiated and correct opinion about himself, who simply ascribes to himself all the positive qualities approved by adults, often without even knowing what they are. When one child who claims to be neat was asked what that meant, he replied, “I'm not afraid.” Other children, also proud of their neatness, answered this question: “I don’t know.”
In order to learn to correctly evaluate himself, a child must first learn to evaluate other people.
which he can look at as if from the outside. And this does not happen, as we already know, right away. During this period, when evaluating peers, the child simply repeats the opinions expressed about them by adults. The same thing happens with self-esteem (“I’m good because my mother says so”).
A child’s self-assessment of other people, their actions and qualities initially depends on his attitude towards these people. This is manifested, in particular, in the assessment of the actions of characters in stories and fairy tales. Any action of a “good” character is assessed as good, and any action of a “bad” character is assessed as bad. But gradually the assessment of the actions and qualities of the characters is separated from the general attitude towards them, and begins to be built on an understanding of the situation and the meaning that these actions and qualities have. After listening to the fairy tale “Teremok”, the child answers the questions: “Did the bear do good or bad?” - “Bad.”—: “Why did he do something bad?” - “Because he crushed the tower.” - “Do you like the bear or not?” - "Like. I love bears."
As the norms and rules of behavior are learned, they become the standards that the child uses to evaluate other people. But applying these measures to oneself turns out to be much more difficult.' The experiences that captivate the child, pushing him to take certain actions, obscure from him the real meaning of the actions committed and do not allow him to evaluate them impartially. Such an assessment becomes possible only on the basis of comparing one’s actions and qualities with the capabilities, actions and qualities of others. The child masters the ability to compare himself with others by the senior preschool age, and this serves as the basis for correct self-esteem.
Older preschoolers are quite accurately aware of their strengths and weaknesses and take into account the attitude of others towards them. This is of great importance for the further development of the individual, the conscious assimilation of norms of behavior, and the following of positive models. At the same time, the child becomes capable of intentionally taking advantage of the attitude of others towards one or another of his qualities and actions. At this age, children, as a rule, are well aware of stubbornness as a violation of behavioral norms and consciously show stubbornness only in relation to those adults who make concessions. A child can play the role of a child in relations with his mother, emphasizing his childish traits that evoke love and tenderness in her, and in this way achieve all sorts of pleasures.
At this age, a child can deliberately lie for his own benefit, envy and, recognizing envy as a shortcoming, hide it from others. With all this, a preschooler cannot focus for long on his shortcomings, as well as on his advantages. Although the child’s reflection is sufficiently developed, he is turned to the outside world to a greater extent than to himself.
Self-awareness in time. Particular attention should be paid to the life of a preschool child over time. Already at an early age, the child, having realized himself as a kind of valuable individuality (I am Petya - a good - boy), begins to be actively interested in his person in the past (“Tell me how I was little”), treating himself in this past with understanding and sympathy and condescension. At the same time, he strives to see himself in the future (“When I’m big...”) in an aura of positive qualities. In preschool age, this interest in oneself in time (past, present, future) increases and deepens. Now he not only turns to an adult for stories about himself in the past, but also remembers himself. It is easier for him to judge himself objectively in the past (after all, this was when he was little), which allows him to express critical remarks about himself. He judges himself in the future with the hope of fulfilling the most incredible expectations; his future is bright: after all, he did not manage to commit any offenses in it. For a child, his past, present and future begin to act as an opportunity to realize himself in life, evaluate himself in the past and imagine himself in the future. The perspective that opens up to a child in life becomes his property and in its own way determines the development of his personality. The child, together with an adult close to him, builds plans for himself in the future. Of course, he will be good (kind) and successful. He will be real - strong, strong-willed, smart if he is a boy, and attractive (beautiful), smart and prudent if he is a girl. He will certainly always take care of his loved ones, always love his mother. He will do everything so that there is peace on earth and there is no war, so that everyone is
healthy and happy. He will become an astronaut, a doctor, a gardener and even an all-powerful wizard. A normally developing child is full of good intentions for the future, which gives him the basis for positive self-esteem and the desire to be good towards people around him today.
⇐ Previous16Next ⇒
Basic concept
Maslow’s book “Motivation and Personality” examines the structure of needs, their basic properties, and influence on the motivational sphere of a person. Maslow's pyramid consists of blocks, each of which reflects a specific need - from basic to higher. This model is very easy to explain with an example. The fundamental human needs are physiological needs such as hunger and thirst. While experiencing them, it is unlikely that anyone will begin to think, for example, about the philosophy of postmodernism. Therefore, first of all, the vital needs of the body must be satisfied.
Then comes the need for safety, both physical and emotional. It is important to have a roof over your head, to live without a threat to your existence.
When these needs are met, a person begins to seek satisfaction of higher class needs - social recognition, sympathy. The need for friendship is followed by the need for self-esteem, that is, the person now desires autonomy and leadership.
The top of Maslow's pyramid is the need for self-actualization. When all other needs are satisfied, a person can begin to freely realize the potential inherent in him by nature.
So, at any given moment, behavior is driven by unsatisfied needs. And most often they are never fully satisfied. That is why there are about 2% of people who have reached the level of self-actualization in their lives, as stated in Maslow’s book “Motivation and Personality.”
Impulsive and voluntary behavior
⇐ PreviousPage 3 of 18Next ⇒
All of the above suggests that the key to the development of voluntariness must be sought in the development of the child’s motivational sphere.
All human behavior can be divided into involuntary and voluntary. Involuntary includes reflexive and instinctive forms of behavior that occur without the participation of consciousness. For example, the well-known knee-jerk reflex: in a cross-leg position, you hit it with a hammer under the knee - the leg twitches. If a person has this reflex normally, then no effort can be made to stop the leg bouncing, since this movement is not controlled by consciousness and is not voluntary.
Voluntary behavior is conscious behavior, mainly determined by a set goal and formed intention. This also includes automated actions, when a person acts as if automatically, without thinking about what he is doing. Automated actions include, for example, operations on a conveyor belt, when an action repeated many times reaches the level of automation. And although outwardly it seems that consciousness is not involved in this process, the automated action is still voluntary - with any failure in the automatism of its execution, consciousness connects and exercises control over what is happening.
In psychology, there are various definitions of voluntariness. I find the most interesting definition given by V.A. Ivannikov in his book “Psychological Mechanisms of Volitional Regulation” (1991). In this definition V.A. Ivannikov tried to put together all the main characteristics of this mental phenomenon. From his point of view, “a voluntary process is a felt or conscious process with acquired new life meaning (meaning) and aimed at achieving the result chosen by the subject; a process, the beginning, end, delay or change of which is determined by vital necessity, but is not forced by it” (1991, pp. 100-101).
A necessary condition for the emergence of voluntariness is motivation. In animals and small children this is immediate motivation, expressed in immediate motives. It is necessary to stipulate that, following L.I. Bozovic, by motive I understand everything that prompts a person to action. Therefore, not only the subject of satisfying a need is considered as a motive (as in A.N. Leontyev), but also needs, interests, experiences, desires, affect, etc.
Voluntary behavior is first born along with the child’s desire. It depends on his desire whether a voluntary movement will be carried out. For example, in a bright light, a baby will reflexively close his eyes; he cannot help but close his eyes, since this is a protective reflex. If a bright toy comes into the baby’s field of vision, he will visually focus on it for a while, and this will also be a reflexive eye movement - an indicative reflex to a new object. If this toy hangs in front of the child’s eyes for a long time, and he reaches for it with his hand, then this will be a voluntary movement, since the child wanted to examine this toy. But he may not want to do this, and then his hand will not reach for the toy. The first voluntary movements, and then the actions, are impulsive, responding to directly acting motives. The need for new impressions, which, according to L.I. Bozhovich, underlies the mental development of a child, contributes to the development of voluntary movements. Children growing up without a mother, in children's educational institutions, in conditions of deprivation of the vital need for a child to communicate with an adult, suffer from poor development of voluntary movements and fine motor skills. This happens due to the underdevelopment of the motivational sphere of the child, deprived of communication with his mother, since it is through this communication that the baby begins to explore the world, and he develops new needs and interests, the satisfaction of which is impossible without voluntary movements. Thus, the development of the motivational sphere is the source of the development of voluntariness. In early and preschool childhood, voluntary actions are of a direct nature, since they are aimed at the immediate satisfaction of desires (desire is understood in the broadest sense - it includes needs, interests, and desires themselves). Each new desire must be immediately satisfied, therefore the behavior of a small child is situational in nature, or, in other words, it can be characterized as impulsive, that is, carried out according to the “impulse-reaction” pattern. But in this case, impulsive behavior cannot be considered as involuntary, since it consists of individual voluntary actions, but its specificity lies in the fact that any action can be interrupted at the moment a new stimulus appears, causing a new desire. The reason for impulsive behavior lies in the weak intensity of each desire, the satisfaction of which a voluntary action is aimed at, and in the weakness of the processes of cortical inhibition of the brain. And if so, then a dominant of a specific desire is not created in the brain, capable of inhibiting the emergence of new desires arising from the influence of new impulses until the dominant desire is satisfied. Therefore, impulsive behavior is characteristic of early and preschool age, while the processes of inhibition in the cerebral cortex are not sufficiently developed. Above there was already a link to the study by N.I. Krasnogorsky (1946), who showed that the inhibitory control of the cerebral cortex over instinctive and emotional reactions begins to gain increasing strength from the age of 7.
The impulsiveness of a small child, in my opinion, is largely explained by the fact that children do not have sufficiently stable desires, strong in intensity and intensity, that can determine all of their behavior. The psychological reason for a child’s impulsive behavior is the poor development of his motivational sphere. As soon as a child develops motives that can slow down the impact of momentary desires, impulsiveness immediately gives way to arbitrariness. Moreover, new motives are also strong immediate motives (that is, the general mechanism is the same as with impulsiveness), but the victory of these new motives is determined by expediency from the point of view of the subject’s interest. Let me give you an example. The mother of a small child has to go to work, but the baby does not want to part with her and cries. The grandmother tries to distract the child's attention with his favorite toys, but nothing works; the baby does not seem to notice them, since all his attention is focused on the mother who is about to leave. Here, a strong experience interrupts the motivating influence coming from toys, since the first is much more important for the child than the second. Interpreting this example, we can say that the same impulsive behavior took place, only the motive was a stronger stimulus. But how can one determine the strength of a stimulus without taking into account its significance for the subject? Indeed, for one child the mother’s departure is a very strong motive, but for another it is not, which is associated with different interests in this event. When a person’s behavior is determined by interest, it becomes arbitrary. This means that we can conclude that primitive forms of voluntary behavior (arbitrariness) are not fundamentally different in mechanism from impulsive behavior (impulsivity). I think that the question of the representation of impulsive behavior in consciousness has not been studied well enough in psychology (probably due to the illusory evidence of the compulsion of the subject’s impulsive behavior). Based on the above, I suggest that impulsivity and voluntariness do not differ fundamentally in mechanism. Both types of behavior arise as a response to a directly acting motive, only with impulsive behavior the subject constantly switches from one motive to another, and with voluntary behavior the motive that is of the greatest interest to the subject is satisfied, that is, a primitive ranking of motives occurs. From my point of view, confirmation of this idea is the lower impulsiveness of children in role-playing games, when needs and desires acquire greater strength compared to everyday life. L.S. Vygotsky suggested that role-play arises as a result of strong, intense needs, the satisfaction of which is impossible for a child in his ordinary life, but is possible in the conditions of play (1966). That is why in the role-playing game of older preschoolers there is practically no impulsive behavior, since all play activity is aimed at satisfying a specific strong need (desire).
This point is very important, because it means that voluntariness appears only if the subject needs it for something. I emphasize: it is necessary for the subject himself, and not for someone else. In relation to an underachieving student, this means that his behavior in a learning situation will become arbitrary only at his own desire, if arbitrariness can satisfy a need that is significant to him.
Why am I talking about a significant need and not just an immediate need? Based on the above definition of voluntariness, it is clear that the absence of voluntariness in a learning situation is not the absence of voluntariness in a given child in general. If he wants to eat, then his behavior will become completely arbitrary, since he will have a strong immediate need that motivates (triggers) the emergence of arbitrariness. But since our student has no cognitive needs, no broad social motives for learning, no motives for achievement, that is, there are no motives that contribute to the emergence of arbitrariness in learning, then until he has these motives, arbitrariness in learning will not appear, since he does not it is necessary to achieve positive results in the educational process at school. It turns out that learning motivation and volition in learning are closely related. Until a child develops educational motivation or at least a clearly expressed one of its components, there is nothing to count on the appearance of arbitrariness in learning.
Volitional behavior
The emergence of new motives in the child’s motivational sphere means the development of this sphere. In addition, in order for these motives to become effective and be able to determine the student’s behavior in a learning situation, they must prevail over the strong directly acting situational motives that exist in these students and prevent them from learning. That is, not only the development of the motivational sphere should occur due to the enrichment of it with new motives, but there should also be a change in the existing hierarchy of motives in it, as a result of which new significant motives will become dominant, in accordance with which the child’s behavior will be built, since the dominant motives determine the direction person's personality. This has been shown in a number of psychological studies (L.I. Bozhovich, 1972).
The nature of the personality’s orientation, the point of view of L.I. Bozhovich (1972), depends on the content and structure of the dominant motives in the motivational sphere. S.L. Rubinstein (1946), speaking about the orientation of a person’s personality, connects this phenomenon with his dominant needs, interests, and ideals. But since needs, interests, and ideals, from the point of view of L.I. Bozhovich, can act as motives for human behavior, then, apparently, we are talking about the same phenomenon. Dominant motives can only become those motives that have the greatest value for the individual, that is, motives associated with satisfying the most personally significant needs.
If educational motivation follows from the dominant needs and motives in the child’s motivational sphere or is semantically connected with them, then in this case we can already talk about volitional behavior. This means that the subject can carry out even unattractive actions for himself (that is, in the absence of immediate motivation), if he understands their importance and significance for himself. The understanding of importance and significance can be interpreted following V.A. Ivannikov (1991, 1998) as establishing a semantic connection between a directly unattractive action (goal) and the dominant motives in a person’s motivational hierarchy. “And the richer the motivational-semantic sphere of a person, the easier it is to attach a given action to it, and the greater the number of motives an action can potentially respond to, the easier and more willingly it is carried out” (V.A. Ivannikov, 1998, p. 93). It should be emphasized that from the context of the work of V.A. Ivannikov is clear that we are not talking about any motives in the motivational sphere of a person (among which there are quite a few situational ones), but about steadily dominant ones, and the semantic connection is established arbitrarily. Based on the foregoing, I propose to consider volitional behavior as voluntary behavior determined by the consistently dominant most personally significant needs and motives in the motivational sphere of a person. In fact, volitional behavior is an expression at the behavioral level of the orientation of the individual. Deliberately coarsening the formulation of the definition of volitional behavior, we can imagine it as voluntary behavior aimed at satisfying the most personally significant desires (sustainably dominant in a person’s motivational hierarchy). It should be noted that since desires can be different in content, volitional behavior can be both moral and immoral. But for me it is important to note that in order to carry out voluntary behavior in a situation of performing an unattractive action, it is necessary for the child to have strong (comparable in strength to immediate), steadily dominant needs and motives, which can be conditionally designated as “personal interest”, which mediates the performance with its motivational influence. unattractive action. This psychological phenomenon is confirmed in the research of physiologists. A.A. Ukhtomsky describes the psychological state of intense need as the emergence of a focus of “dominant” in the cerebral cortex, that is, such a dominant focus of excitation that, as it were, “pulls” onto itself and accumulates nervous excitation that arises in other nervous A.A. Ukhtomsky is consistent with the ideas of I.M. Sechenov and I.P. Pavlova about the holistic nature of the body’s activity. These scientists showed at the physiological level that “the entire organism as a whole is involved in solving any problem facing the organism at a given moment in time. All side effects coming from outside turn out to be subordinate to this task. The excitations they cause are mobilized for its implementation. The dominant present in the cortex creates a certain vector of behavior.
Developing this concept and revealing the patterns of formation and destruction of the dominant, Ukhtomsky pointed out the possibility of widespread application of this principle in explaining various psychological phenomena, starting with acts of attention and ending with stable life attitudes of the individual” (Development and the current state of psychological science in the USSR, 1975, p. 87).
Thus, even at the physiological level, there is confirmation of the assumption that a complex behavioral act is possible, consisting of a whole chain of directly unattractive actions, but receiving indirect motivation due to the common goal connecting them.
With a fairly strongly expressed personality orientation, determined by a powerful personal interest, a person, basically, without much effort, makes a choice in favor of one or another behavior that corresponds to his personal interest.
By introducing the concept of “personal interest,” you can use it to define volitional behavior. Namely, volitional behavior is voluntary behavior determined by personal interest. It turns out that according to the psychological mechanism, volitional behavior is similar to voluntary and impulsive behavior. Everything is determined by motivation. Differences exist at the level of substantive and subjectively significant characteristics of motives. The fundamental similarity of the mechanisms of impulsive and voluntary behavior has already been written above. The specificity of volitional behavior is voluntary behavior at the personal level. A similar interpretation of volitional behavior can be found in V.A. Ivannikova: “Volitional regulation is part of the voluntary regulation of human processes and actions, or, more precisely, one of the levels of voluntary regulation - the personal level” (1998, p. 136).
Volitional behavior can be direct and indirect. In the latter case, achieving the final goal is possible only as a result of the implementation of a number of intermediate goals, each of which does not have an independent attractive force for a person, but is mediated by the final goal. More precisely, we can say that mediation occurs with a new meaning, which intermediate goals acquire when a semantic connection is established with the motive that motivates all activity. But as a result of such mediation, all activity is, as it were, permeated with a single meaning and does not burden a person. Therefore, I do not associate volitional behavior with a feeling of effort over oneself, with the struggle of motives and the creation of an intention to act in favor of a motive that is more valuable from the point of view of the unfolding of events in the future, as is presented in the works of L.I. Bozhovich and her colleagues (L.I. Bozovic et al., 1976). Why are such complex psychological mechanisms needed to fulfill a strong desire? After all, an obsessed person can move mountains to achieve his goal; he, without hesitation, does unpleasant and uninteresting work, still experiencing a feeling of satisfaction, because this is a link in a single chain of his desire. From the biographical memoirs of prominent scientists, political figures, artists and other outstanding people, it is clear that in order to achieve the goal they set for themselves, which, in fact, was the meaning of their lives, they made all sorts of everyday sacrifices and even risked their lives when it came to making their dreams come true. These people did not have any struggle of motives “to be or not to be,” since they were driven by a passionate, all-consuming desire, which is the source of volitional behavior. Another interesting point. In the “Dictionary of the Russian Language” by S.I. Ozhegov we come across the following definitions of will: “The ability to fulfill one’s desires and goals set for oneself; conscious desire to accomplish something; your good will or your will (do as you wish)” (1986, pp. 82 - 83).
He can find out what a person really wants in the following way. Suppose he needs to choose one of two mutually exclusive actions, both of which are not related to momentary desires, but are very important for a person. Having imagined the consequences of each of them separately, he understands which of the actions suits him more, since in this case his personal interest will not be infringed. And in this case, when two differently directed motivational tendencies collide, there is no phenomenon of a struggle between motives with a feeling of effort on oneself and the creation of an intention to act in favor of a more valuable motive from the point of view of the unfolding of events in the future. I think that to carry out behavior in such a situation, it is enough to establish a semantic connection between one of the actions and personal interest. In the work of L.I. Bozhovich and her colleagues (1976), containing a detailed analysis of the mechanism of volitional behavior, characterized by the presence of a conflict of multidirectional motivational tendencies and the fact that in this conflict one tendency appears for the consciousness of the subject as more valuable, and the other as emotionally more attractive, and the first wins, suppressing the second, due to the restructuring of the subject’s motivational sphere, which occurs in the internal plane of action (therefore, behavior is accompanied by the experience of volitional effort), there is an indication of the possibility of volitional behavior without a struggle of motives and without recourse to the internal plane of action. The authors of the article believe that this is possible in the case when a person is guided by the highest moral feelings, ideals, and beliefs that arose in the process of ontogenetic development and completely determine his life. In this case, a volitional act is performed without a subjectively experienced volitional effort. In addition, in the article on (1976, p. 68).
Apparently, the struggle of motives arises in a situation with a certain combination of multidirectional motivational tendencies, namely, when one of the motives is associated with the satisfaction of a strong immediate situational need, and the other with not very strong motives associated with personal interest. Analysis of such situations shows that in this case a conflict arises between differently directed motives, accompanied by their struggle. This conflict can be resolved through the intention to act in favor of one of the motives. The adoption of an intention is carried out within the framework of a detailed internal plan of action, which allows one to intellectually and emotionally imagine the possible consequences of events, as a result of which a person creates the intention to act in favor of a less attractive, but more valuable, from his point of view, motive. This mechanism of intention adoption was studied and described in detail by L.I. Bozhovich and her employees (L.I. Bozhovich et al., 1976; L.S. Slavina, 1972; L.I. Bozhovich, L.S. Slavina, 1979; L.I. Bozhovich, 1981). And since this entire mechanism is aimed at implementing behavior that is very relatively related to a person’s desire (personal interest), it is clear that creating an intention does not mean realizing it. No wonder there is a saying: “The road to hell is paved with good intentions.”
Now let's try to figure out what intention is and what its function is in volitional behavior.
⇐ Previous3Next ⇒
Recommended pages:
The separation of psychology from reality: an example
One of the main qualities of a good psychologist, as well as a serious psychological theory, is the ability to be implemented in practice with the goal of helping people. This directly relates to Maslow's theory. This example is well illustrated by reviews of people who seek help from psychotherapists of various categories regarding the treatment of addictions: alcoholism, gambling addiction, smoking. To get rid of such difficulties, many psychotherapists use the substitution technique, according to which one addiction can only be replaced by another - in this case, a more productive one. Bypassing one or two steps of Maslow's pyramid, they recommend that their patients replace their addiction by starting to engage in self-realization. For some reason, unsatisfied needs of the lower level still make themselves felt: a former alcoholic or a Casanova is very poorly able to “replace” his addiction with other activities, say, beadwork. And how can an addict understand what kind of business will take place at the top of his needs until his needs for love, respect, sympathy, friendship, and warm emotional connections with people are not satisfied?
People are disappointed in psychotherapy, paying a lot of money for it. The picture would be different if all psychologists used Maslow’s work “Motivation and Personality” in their work. Reviews, one must believe, would be much better both about psychologists and about the possibilities of psychotherapy in general.
4.2. Extrinsic and intense motivation
In Western psychological literature, the issue of two types of motivation and their distinguishing features is widely discussed: extrinsic
(conditioned by external conditions and circumstances) and
intense
(internal, associated with personal dispositions: needs, attitudes, interests, drives, desires), in which actions and deeds are performed “of the free will” of the subject (for a review of works devoted to this discussion, you can found in the book by X. Heckhausen).
In the 50s and in our country, a heated debate arose among psychologists about whether needs (as an internal factor) are the only source of motivation. G. A. Fortunatov, A. V. Petrovsky (1956) and D. A. Kiknadze (1982) answered this question positively.
Psychologists who studied the problem of will opposed this point of view. V.I. Selivanov (1974), along with others, believed that not all motives are determined by needs, that the influence of the surrounding world gives rise to many motives that are not related to existing needs. He defended the point of view that various influences emanating from other people and objects in the environment cause human responses in addition to his needs or even contrary to them. This corresponds to the ideas about the social conditioning of human behavior, the leading role of volitional regulation, the conditioning of human behavior by a sense of duty, understanding of necessity or expediency, etc.
19 pages, 9308 words
Motivation of human activity
...mechanisms of goal formation. – M., 1977. Uznadze D.N. Psychological motivation of human behavior. – M., 1965. Appendix 1 Pyramid (hierarchy) of human... get out of dependence on other people if he is not able to manage his needs, desires, behavior. People are not... mechanisms of human behavior. He believed that aspirations are always connected with a goal in which, in the form of an image or...
This discussion was largely fruitless. Living in society, a person cannot help but depend in his decisions and actions on the influence of his environment. This dependence can be of several types. Reference dependence
It is discovered when a person, without thinking, uncritically borrows attitudes, norms of behavior, and way of life, hoping thereby to become like “real people”, to be included in a certain circle, a certain reference group for him. This is where the imitation mechanism comes into play.
Increasing social status (at least in one's own eyes) is an important motive for the behavior of many people. It is not surprising that many advertising methods are based on the fact that the advertised product is declared the favorite item of consumption of people with high social status. Wanting to join this category of people, the consumer will try to acquire external signs of high status - a car of a certain brand, a suit, a trip to a fashionable resort, etc.
Information dependence
occurs in cases where a person, striving for some goal, does not have the necessary information.
He is forced to uncritically use information received from a person whom he considers more informed. Power dependence is
the dependence of an individual on a person endowed with special powers or with high authority. Thus, motivation can experience strong pressure from outside and take on an externally organized character.
As noted by H. Heckhausen, the description of behavior according to the principle of opposition as motivated either “from within” (intrinsically) or “outside” (extrinsically) has the same experience as the experimental psychology of motivation itself. Accordingly, criticism of such a strict opposition has a long tradition, dating back to R. Woodworth (1918).
Criticism received its maximum expression in the 50s, when researchers began to attribute various internal drives (manipulative, exploratory and visual examinations) to various highly developed animals (from rats to monkeys), in contrast to D. Hall (1961) and B. Skinner (B. Skinner, 1954), who explained behavior exclusively by external reinforcements. H. Heckhausen notes that in fact, actions and the intentions underlying them are always determined only internally.
4 pages, 1565 words
Disorders of will and desires
- behavioral disorders. Quantitative changes and distortions of drives are distinguished. Hyperbulia is a general increase in will and drives, affecting all the basic drives of a person. - increased appetite - hypersexuality... !!! The simultaneous increase in drives and will, as a rule, does not allow patients to commit obviously dangerous and grossly illegal actions, sexual violence. Usually not...
From my point of view, motivation and motives are always internally determined, but they can also depend on external factors and be stimulated by external stimuli. And that is why Western psychologists have not been able to distinguish extrinsic and intensive motivations in their pure form. In essence, the authors are talking about external and internal incentives,
encouraging the development of the motivational process.
When they talk about external motives and motivation, they mean either circumstances (current conditions that influence the effectiveness of activities, actions), or some external factors influencing decision-making and the strength of the motive (remuneration, etc.); They also mean the attribution by the person himself to these factors of a decisive role in making a decision and achieving a result, as is the case with field-dependent people and with an external locus of control. In these cases, it is more logical to talk about externally stimulated,
or externally organized, motivation,
while understanding that circumstances, conditions, and situations acquire significance for motivation only when they become significant for a person to satisfy a need or desire. Therefore, external factors must be transformed into internal ones in the process of motivation.
Maslow's book "Motivation and Personality": summary
The first part of the book is devoted to the study of the essence of needs, how their satisfaction affects the development of a person, the formation of his character, and also once again revises the concept of instincts. Maslow says that this construct is applicable to humans to a small extent. Although instincts are the basis for all his actions, behavior is also greatly influenced by genes and environment.
The next part examines the concept of mental health, the role of frustration in meeting needs, and the question of the acceptability of aggressive behavior. Maslow says that a positive attitude practically neutralizes aggression: therefore, it is always necessary to take environmental conditions into account when considering any type of behavior, including destructive ones.
Next, Maslow examines self-actualizing people themselves and their character traits. In addition, the third part pays attention to issues of love, as well as creativity and its manifestations.
The last part of Maslow’s book “Motivation and Personality” examines the role of creativity in science, issues of methodology, and the importance of a holistic approach.
Maslow calls for considering a person not only in the context of comparing a mentally healthy person with a neurotic person. Anyone who is interested in issues of self-actualization can safely recommend the fundamental work created by Abraham Maslow - “Motivation and Personality.” Reviews from numerous readers for more than one generation have shown that this work will help every person reach better heights and understand themselves.
Question Characteristics of motivation as a system of factors determining human behavior.
Home Favorites Random article Educational New additions Feedback FAQConviction is the highest form of orientation - it is a system of motives of an individual that encourages her to act in accordance with her views, principles, and worldview. Beliefs are based on conscious needs that encourage a person to act and form his motivation for activity.
Since we have approached the problem of motivation, it should be noted that there are two functionally interconnected sides in human behavior: incentive and regulatory. The mental processes and states we discussed earlier provide mainly regulation of behavior. As for its stimulation, or motives that ensure the activation and direction of behavior, they are associated with motives and motivation.
Motive is an incentive to activity associated with satisfying the needs of the subject. Motive is also often understood as the reason underlying the choice of actions and actions, the set of external and internal conditions that cause the activity of the subject.
The term "motivation" is a broader concept than the term "motive". The word “motivation” is used in modern psychology in a double sense: as denoting a system of factors that determine behavior (this includes, in particular, needs, motives, goals, intentions, aspirations and much more), and as a characteristic of the process that stimulates and supports behavioral activity at a certain level. Most often in the scientific literature, motivation is considered as a set of psychological reasons that explain human behavior, its beginning, direction and activity.
The question of motivation for activity arises every time it is necessary to explain the reasons for a person’s actions. Moreover, any form of behavior can be explained by both internal and external reasons. In the first case, the starting and final points of explanation are the psychological properties of the subject of behavior, and in the second - the external conditions and circumstances of his activity. In the first case, they talk about motives, needs, goals, intentions, desires, interests, etc., and in the second, they talk about incentives emanating from the current situation. Sometimes all the psychological factors that, as it were, from within a person determine his behavior, are called personal dispositions. Then, accordingly, they talk about dispositional and situational motivations as analogues of internal and external determination of behavior.
Internal (dispositional) and external (situational) motivations interact
connected. Dispositions can be updated under the influence of a certain situation, and the activation of certain dispositions (motives, needs) leads to a change in the subject’s perception of the situation. In this case, his attention becomes selective, and the subject biasedly perceives and evaluates the situation based on current interests and needs. Therefore, any human action is considered as doubly determined: dispositionally and situationally.
515 ■ Part IV. Mental properties of personality
Considering the problem of personality orientation, we cannot help but consider a special group of people who are commonly called “asocial individuals.” Such people have little to no sense of responsibility, morality, or interest in others. Their behavior is determined almost entirely by their own needs. In other words, they have no conscience. While the average person realizes at an early age that behavior has certain limitations and that sometimes pleasure must be given up for the sake of other people's interests, antisocial individuals rarely take anyone's wishes into account other than their own. They behave impulsively, seek immediate gratification of their needs and cannot tolerate frustration.
It should be noted that the term “antisocial personality” itself does not apply to the majority of people who commit antisocial acts. Antisocial behavior has a number of causes, including membership in a criminal gang or criminal subculture, a need for attention and increased status, loss of contact with reality, and an inability to control impulses. Most juvenile and adult criminals have some interest in other people (family or gang members) and a certain moral code (for example, not betraying a friend). In contrast, an antisocial person has no feelings for anyone other than himself, and does not feel guilt or remorse, no matter how much suffering he causes to people.
Other characteristics of an antisocial personality (sociopath) include an unusual ease of lying, a need to excite or excite oneself, and an inability to change one's behavior as a result of punishment. Such individuals are often perceived as
Antisocial personality
attractive, intelligent, charming people who easily get into contact with other people. Their competent and sincere appearance allows them to get a promising job, but they have little chance of keeping it. Restlessness and impulsiveness soon lead them to failure, revealing their true nature; they accumulate debts, abandon their families, or commit crimes. Once caught, they speak so convincingly of their repentance that their punishment is often revoked. But the antisocial personality rarely lives up to his claims; For such people, what is said has no relation to their deeds and feelings.
Two characteristics of an antisocial personality are considered particularly significant: first, a lack of empathy and interest in others and, second, a lack of feelings of shame or guilt, an inability to repent of one’s actions, no matter how reprehensible they were.
Modern researchers identify three groups of factors contributing to the development of an antisocial personality: biological determinants, characteristics of the relationship between parents and child, and thinking style.
Conducted studies indicate genetic causes of antisocial behavior, especially criminal behavior. Thus, in identical twins the concordance value for criminal behavior is twice as high as in related twins, which makes it clear that such behavior is partially inherited. Adoption studies show that the crimes of adopted boys are similar to those of their biological fathers.
A person's momentary behavior should not be viewed as a reaction to certain internal or external stimuli, but as the result of a continuous interaction of his dispositions with the situation. Thus, human motivation can be represented as a cyclical process of continuous mutual influence and transformation, in which the subject of action and the situation mutually influence each other and the result of which is actually observed behavior. From this point of view, motivation is a process of continuous choice and decision-making based on weighing behavioral alternatives.
In turn, motive, in contrast to motivation, is something that belongs to the subject of behavior himself, is his stable personal property, from
| Chapter 22. Direction and motives of a person’s activity ■516 | |
| In addition, it is noted that antisocial | itself an appeal from parents, which is |
| individuals have low excitability due to | promotes behavior. |
| why they, through impulsive and dangerous actions, | The third group of factors determining |
| they strive to receive stimulation, call- | contributing to the development of an asocial personality is |
| giving corresponding sensations. | individual psychological characteristics |
| Some researchers say | children. In children with behavioral disorders, |
| that the quality of parental care received | Bottom of information about social interactions |
| a child who tends to be hyperactive | what happens is that they develop |
| and behavioral disorders, determines significantly | aggressive reactions to these interactions. |
| degree, whether it will develop into a full-scale | They expect other children to come to them |
| whether an antisocial personality or not. One of the best | aggressive, and interpret their actions, |
| indicators of behavioral disorders in children - level | based on this assumption, instead of |
| line of parental supervision: in children who often | to rely on signs actually encountered |
| left unattended or poorly looked after | current situation. In addition, children with disabilities |
| watched over for a long time | We tend to consider any behavior as behavior |
| a pattern of criminal behavior develops much more often | negative action directed at them |
| Denia. A variable close to this is the parent | nicknames are not accidental, but deliberate. Deciding |
| indifference: children whose parents are not involved | what action to take in response to the perception |
| in their daily lives, more often become associated | perceived provocation of a peer, a child with |
| cial. | disordered behavior will make a choice from |
| Biological and family factors that can | a very limited set of reactions, both |
| associated with behavioral disorders, often simultaneously | vilo, including aggression. If such a child |
| fall. Children with behavioral problems often | nok is forced to choose something other than aggression, |
| there are neuropsychological problems that are | he performs chaotic and ineffective actions |
| a consequence of maternal drug use, poor | actions and considers everything except aggression useless |
| intrauterine nutrition, toxic effects | ugly and unattractive. |
| before and after birth, abuse, complications | Children who imagine this way |
| difficulties during childbirth and low birth weight. Such | social interaction, tend to exhibit |
| Children are more likely to be irritable, impulsive, | aggressive behavior towards others. They may |
| awkward, hyperactive, inattentive and slower | expect retribution: other children beat them, |
| learn the material than their peers. This is for- | teachers and teachers punish, and they perceive |
| makes parental care difficult for them, and for them | are treated negatively by others. These responses |
| increased risk of abuse and neglect | viia, in turn, strengthens their confidence |
| tion on the part of parents. In turn, parents | is that the world is against them, and forces |
| whether these children most likely themselves have psycho- | prevent them from misinterpreting future actions. |
| gical problems that contribute to ineffective | the actions of others. This can create |
| poor or rough, untenable performance | a constant circle of interactions that supports |
| them parental functions. Therefore, in addition to the presence | and inspiring aggressive and antisocial |
| What is their biological predisposition to | child's behavior. |
| These children experience antisocial behavior |
internally motivating you to perform certain actions. Motives can be conscious or unconscious. The main role in shaping a person’s orientation belongs to conscious motives. It should be noted that the motives themselves are formed from needs . Need is the state of a person’s need for certain conditions of life and activity or material objects. A need, like any state of personality, is always associated with a person’s feeling of satisfaction or dissatisfaction. All living beings have needs, and this is how living nature differs from inanimate nature. Another difference, also related to needs, is the selectivity of the living person’s response to precisely what constitutes the subject of needs,
517 ■ Part IV. Mental properties of personality
i.e. for what the body currently lacks time for. Need activates the body, stimulates its behavior aimed at finding what is required.
The quantity and quality of needs that living beings have depends on the level of their organization, on the way and conditions of life, on the place occupied by the corresponding organism on the evolutionary ladder. Plants that need only certain biochemical and physical conditions of existence have the least needs. A person has the most diverse needs, who in addition to physical and organic needs also have spiritual and social ones. Social needs are expressed in a person’s desire to live in society and interact with other people.
The main characteristics of human needs are strength, frequency of occurrence and method of satisfaction. An additional, but very significant characteristic, especially when it comes to the individual, is the substantive content of the need, that is, the totality of those objects of material and spiritual culture with the help of which a given need can be satisfied.
The motivating factor for activity is the goal. A goal is a conscious result towards which an action associated with an activity that satisfies an actualized need is currently aimed. If we imagine the entire sphere of conscious behavior as a kind of arena in which a colorful and multifaceted performance of human life unfolds, and we assume that the place that should attract the greatest attention of the viewer (the subject himself) is most brightly illuminated at the moment, then this will be the goal. Psychologically, a goal is that motivational content of consciousness that is perceived by a person as the immediate and immediate expected result of his activity.
The goal is the main object of attention, which occupies a certain amount of short-term and working memory; the thought process unfolding at a given moment in time and most of all kinds of emotional experiences are associated with it.
It is customary to distinguish between the purpose of activity and the purpose of life. This is due to the fact that a person has to perform many different activities throughout his life, each of which realizes a specific goal. But the goal of any individual activity reveals only one side of the personality’s orientation, manifested in this activity. The life goal acts as a generalizing factor of all private goals associated with individual activities. At the same time, the realization of each of the goals of the activity is a partial realization of the general life goal of the individual. The level of achievement of an individual is associated with life goals. In the life goals of the individual, the “concept of one’s own future”, which he recognizes, finds expression. A person’s awareness of not only the goal, but also the reality of its implementation is considered as a personal perspective.
The state of frustration and depression characteristic of a person who is aware of the impossibility of realizing a prospect is called frustration. This condition occurs in cases where a person, on the way to achieving a goal, encounters really insurmountable obstacles, barriers, or when they are perceived as such.
Chapter 22. Direction and motives of an individual’s activity ■ 518
The motivational sphere of a person, from the point of view of its development, can be assessed according to the following parameters: breadth, flexibility and hierarchization. The breadth of the motivational sphere is understood as the qualitative diversity of motivational factors - dispositions (motives), needs and goals. The more diverse motives, needs and goals a person has, the more developed his motivational sphere is.
The flexibility of the motivational sphere is expressed in the fact that in order to satisfy a motivational impulse of a more general nature (of a higher level), more diverse motivational incentives of a lower level can be used. For example, the motivational sphere of a person is more flexible; depending on the circumstances of satisfying the same motive, he can use more diverse means than another person. Let's say, for one individual the need for knowledge can be satisfied only with the help of television, radio and cinema, while for another the means of satisfying it are also a variety of books, periodicals, and communication with people. The latter's motivational sphere, by definition, will be more flexible.
It should be noted that breadth and flexibility characterize a person’s motivational sphere in different ways. Breadth is the diversity of the potential range of objects that can serve as a means of satisfying an actual need for a given person, and flexibility is the mobility of connections that exist between different levels of the hierarchical organization of the motivational sphere: between motives and needs, motives and goals, needs and goals.
The next characteristic of the motivational sphere is the hierarchy of motives. Some motives and goals are stronger than others and arise more often; others are weaker and are updated less frequently. The greater the differences in the strength and frequency of actualization of motivational formations of a certain level, the higher the hierarchization of the motivational sphere.
It should be noted that the problem of studying motivation has always attracted the attention of researchers. Therefore, there are many different concepts and theories devoted to motives, motivation and personality orientation. Let's look at some of them in general terms.
